भाषाका कुरा

जनमत-संग्रहको बेला जेल पर्दा मलाई भेट्न मेरी आमा आउनुभएको थियो । आमा मसँग नेपालभाषामा कुरा गर्दै हुनुहुन्थ्यो । प्रहरी आएर 'के कुरा गरेको यस्तो ? नेपालीमा कुरा गर' भनेर आमालाई र मलाई धम्क्यायो । मेरी आमा नेपाली भाषा कहिल्यै बोल्नुहुन्थेन । उहाँलाई नेपालीमा बोल्न खासै आउँदैनथ्यो पनि । प्रहरीले हामी आमा-छोरालाई पनि आफ्नो भाषामा कुरा गर्न दिएन । यो कस्तो व्यवस्था हो, आफ्नै आमासँग बोल्न पनि नपाइने ? मलाई एकदम रिस उठ्यो, रुन मन लाग्यो । म चिच्याएँ, म मेरी आमासँग आफ्नै भाषामा कुरा गर्न किन नपाउने ? यो कस्तो सत्ता हो, बोल्न पनि नदिने ?

मलाई अहिले पनि साम्प्रदायिक भनेर आलोचना गर्नेहरू छन् । समानताको नारा लगाउँदा साम्प्रदायिक भन्नेहरू छन्, हाम्रो समाजमा ।

Tuladhar on Nepal, Nepali and Nepal Bhasa >>

Just in case you were wondering

यो सरकारको काम कस्तो हुनेछ भनेर प्रतीक्षा र परीक्षा गर्नुपर्ने कुनै आवश्यकता छैन । लोकतन्त्रको नाममा सवैभन्दा जनउपेक्षित र पंगु साबित हुने बाटोतिर उन्मूख छ यो सरकार ।

मूल्य र मान्यताको उपहास

Back to the future

DAULAT JHA

Barely a year after the historic CA elections, the first elected government of the nascent Republic of Nepal toppled and has been replaced by a new one. The accusations and counter-accusations, the virtual and near-splits in political parties, moral posturing, the alleged buying of parliamentarians, the talk of foreign intervention – all these are uncannily familiar to the post-1990 political environment, which many believe to be one of the most important reasons for people’s disillusionment with the multi-party democracy of the time, and the cause of its demise.

To any observer of Nepali politics, the resignation of the cabinet hardly came as a surprise. Looking back at the circumstances immediately following the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, the stage had already been set. It took almost four months for the-then incumbent prime minister to make way for the new one. The coalition that made it possible for the Maoists to head the government, under the leadership of PM Dahal was, at best, a hodge-podge one driven more by short-term strategic interest and with serious fissures within the coalition. Furthermore, both the partners of the coalition, the CPN-UML and the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF) themselves had two almost equally divided camps within them. The longevity of the Maoist-led government was thus going to be determined by two critical dynamics – one among the coalition partners and the other within the individual parties of the coalition.

The give-and-take politics, that is the hallmark of any parliamentary system where no outright majority exists but particularly the defining feature of Nepali parliamentary politics, began immediately. Factions realigned themselves during the election of the president and the vice-president, where ethnicity played a crucial role. Ironically, a staunch critic of the Madhes movement was elected as the first Madhesi president, and a controversial judge as the first vice-president, also of Madhesi origin. Both roles had no historical precedents, but while the vice-president courted controversy, the president performed admirably well. That, however, was until the Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) controversy.

Most cry foul at the Maoists. But it appears both the UML leadership as well as the MJF had first agreed to seek clarification and if necessary sack the CoAS for feuding with an elected government.

What were the circumstances that led to the controversy, ultimately leading to the resignation of the government? Who were at fault? Who violated constitutional norms and who upheld them? These are questions that have bitterly divided the political parties and the civil society alike. Suddenly, we have become a nation of lawyers, each with our own suitable interpretations of the constitution and the workings of Nepali politics to match our world-views. One thing we can all agree on, though – the elected body, which acts both as a Constituent Assembly given the task of drafting the new constitution and as a Legislative body, has so far failed to achieve anything substantial.

Most cry foul at the Maoists. They should not have taken a unilateral decision. This is fine and good but it appears both the UML leadership (the chairperson, the general secretary and the cabinet-representative) as well as the MJF had first agreed to seek clarification and if necessary sack the CoAS for feuding with the elected government and most particularly disobeying the Defense Ministry. This had been evident in various forms (with both sides at fault depending on the incidents and interpretations) – in the reintegration controversy, the recruitment controversy, the retirement of the eight generals controversy, and the National games controversy.

The current controversy erupted when, led by the Nepali Congress, the faction within the UML that were staunch critics of the Maoists decided to go for the kill. Both the UML and MJF had managed to strengthen their parties following their general conventions despite serious disagreements and appearing to be on the verge of splitting up, perhaps driven by the sole imperative of keeping their parties intact. This was only how it looked on the surface though – the differences had been far from sorted out.

The MJF, for their part, played the good coalition partner putting forth two alternative proposals to resolve the crisis and create consensus, and not boycotting the cabinet meeting. They argued that either a committee formed within the cabinet or a high-level committee consisting of all major parties in the parliament be formed to study and report on the clarifications provided by the CoAS, the recommendations of which should be made the basis of any further action against the CoAS. It appears that all other coalition partners agreed except the Maoists, the reasons for which remain unclear. Was it because the Maoists were frustrated with their performance in the government and feared disillusionment among the public, preferring to play the opposition? Was it to placate their indoctrinated foot soldiers who were starting to get restless seeing no real achievement on the ground and finding their leadership too reconciliatory?

Whatever the reasons, the fact on the ground remains that the prime minster and his cabinet resigned. The UML led coalition has formed the new government, with most of the parties signing on. The constitution-making process has been stalled. And there has been no change in the lives of ordinary people; if anything, things have gotten worse. The new government has many major tasks, most important of them being to expedite the constitution drafting process. It is the successful completion of this task that will bring an end to this transitional period and complete the peace process. The Maoists should cooperate, as they have promised, to achieve this end.

Many cases are pending in the Supreme Court, and leaders should wait for the due processes to be followed. A functional democracy is only possible if the check-and-balance mechanisms put in place between the legislative, the executive and the judiciary is maintained. It is shameful for the president’s office to say that the judiciary has no jurisdiction on the issue of the president issuing an order to the CoAS to continue his work despite being sacked by the elected government, arguing that this was a political issue and not a constitutional one. The constitution in itself is a political document, and there ought to be no mechanisms to bypass it; and it is the Supreme Court that has the vested right to interpret the constitution.

As trite as it sounds, the need of the hour is a politics of consensus, if only for a year more by when we are stipulated to draft the new constitution. Soon after that, we will have another general elections, where the democratic will of the people shall be expressed (provided we correct the flaws that were so apparent in the CA elections). Marginalizing the Maoists will have serious consequences to the peace process. Thus, it is the onus of the new government to reach out to the Maoists and keep them engaged in the peace process.

Published on myrepublica 2009-05-24

Prachanda Speaks to the Parliament

यहाँ मैले के मा मात्र ध्यान आकर्षित गर्न चाहेको छु भने अंग्रेज-भारतसँगको सुगौली सन्धीबाट निर्धारित दुई पक्षीय सम्बन्धको परिभाषा र त्यसबाट निर्मित भारतिय र नेपाली शासन सत्ताको मानसिकता शैली र संस्कारमा परिवर्तनको कुरा। हामी सुगौली सन्धीबाट अंग्रेज-भारतको अर्धउपनिवेस बन्न पुगेको तथ्यमा विश्वास गर्दछौं। अंग्रेजका विरुद्ध भारतीय जनताको स्वतन्त्रतापछि नेपालको जहाँनीया सामन्ती राणा शासनसँग गरिएको सन् १९५० को सन्धी हुँदै आजको नेपालको युगान्तकारी परिवर्तन जहाँ करिब २४० वर्ष पुरानो सामन्ती राजतन्त्रको अन्त्य भएर संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको स्थापना भएको छ। यहाँसम्म आइपुग्दा हाम्रा दुई पक्षीय सम्बन्धमा के कति नयाँ परिभाषा मुल्य मान्यता र संस्कारको विकास गरियो हाम्रो विचारमा यो अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न छ।

full text>>

I know Prachanda is trying to generate sympathy with nationalism, the so called last refuge of the scoundrel. But what makes a colonial/neo-colonial/semi-colonial relationship? I have very little idea.

Still the greatest threat

The new game of who wants to be a dictator?

http://kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?&nid=190776

I doubt the threat will go away by leaving the military alone.

This is from December 2007:
http://nayanepal.blogspot.com/2007/12/greatest-threat.html

Everybody must read

the Old Nepal is alive despite what we here at Naya Nepal like to think. The new Crisis Group Report is out & available >>
Some highlights - On parties, No fucking change here! UML is " unsure where it stands ideologically, tactically and strategically." NC is "less democratic than ever. MJF is worried of being "outflanked by a more organised challenge from TMDP, NSP or other Madhesi parties." Khume and Govinde are reported to be making a comback. And the Maoists are "more clumsy than totalitarian".

"The noisiest conservative revival has been spearheaded by the urban upper classes. That the Maoists are not the new Khmer Rouge they predicted has not deterred constant cries of “totalitarian dictatorship”. For all their cadres’ sporadic brutality, the Maoists have not muzzled the press, locked up political prisoners or indeed implemented any notably dictatorial measures. Ironically, it is only when they propose genuinely illiberal measures such as completely banning strikes that the “liberal democrats” have rushed to embrace them. In contrast, a budget so un-Maoist that it satisfied the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was greeted with derision for its excessive ambition as well as claims that programs such as a national literacy scheme were camouflaged steps towards a takeover of the state."

Women in War

I feel like pontificating:

Have been thinking about this picture for a while. Would like to know what they may think of the war, its goals, failures and achievements. One obvious question would be - was it worth it? Is it possible to answer that without doing a cost/benefit? 

The Maoists used to bring up the 'situation of the women' whenever they got the chance. They still do. But even more so during the war.  Mostly in two contexts, as far as I can recall. One was to denounce 'bahunbad' by highlighting how 'brahiminism' was subjugating women. The other was rape and torture by the army and the police. 

Are they doing anything about it now? 

Also, in terms of numbers, does anyone know the percentage of women in PLA camps?

Obama's Ancient Tricks

They said it's impossible...
They said it's fifty years too early....
They said no, you can't...
Apparently, that's an Anaphora. For Epiphora,Tricola, and other of tricks of the trade deployed by the world's favorite orator, Guardian has an excellent article.

Finally....

“Koirala Retires”, says eKantipur, as if he had fulfilled his promise of retiring from active politics after the CA elections. They do not mention much else. It’s been an excruciatingly painful two months.

So, MKN as President? I still think it is sad that someone who was defeated in two constituencies should be selected as the president.

And our Madhesi parties give an indication of the days to come – they are already obstructing parliament.

Vacuum

It has been a distinguishing feature of our peace process – averting disaster at the last moment. And once again we find ourselves at the end of a cliff. Will our political leaders pull it off again?

The Maoists have threatened to quit the government and file a vote of no confidence against the current government. They are also threatening to take to the streets from tomorrow. Not sure what the legal provisions are but I think a two-thirds majority is needed according to the interim constitution. Of course we never figured out what kind of a system would be implemented after the CA elections. Hence all the trouble now.

Meanwhile, our erstwhile opportunist Upendra Yadav – after being unjustly sidelined during the Big Three talks – will relish the limelight, and possibly his vote against Girija. But it looks like MJF too have finally made up their minds about not joining the government. There are rumors of a possible split in the party. TMDP wisely decided not to join the government and meanwhile start expanding their organizational structure. MJF, if it is wise, ought to focus on their structure and prepare for next elections rather than lose popular support, which is a virtual certainty if it joins the government.

All that said, until the international players get on the same boat, our leaders can continue to quarrel all they want.

Impunity we can no longer stand

We demand an independent inquiry by a high level commission (of National Human Rights Commission, if possible) of the following three incidents – Surkhet, Dang, and Rautahat. NHRC had cited these incidents a few days after the elections but neither the government nor any other body has followed up. The Nepali media has once again acted the same way as in the past – preferring not to speak boldly about these sensitive issues, for various reasons including threat to local journalists and allegiance to political powers that be. In all three incidents, circumstantial evidence point to the involvement of strong political powers and the local administration.

Punishing those guilty after an independent inquiry would be a fitting tribute to the aspirations of the Nepali people, for their desire to break from the past and forge a new Nepal. So far, it is yet to materialize. Here are the three incidents:

Murder of Surkhet’s UML candidate – The police now say that the bodyguard provided by the police for Rishi Prasad Sharma accidently fired two shots that killed him. They refused to interview or listen to UML cadres citing political biasness would not produce valid eye witness account. Locals in Surkhet are also demanding a new inquiry into the killing. The NC is also demanding an independent inquiry and has started protesting, to clean its name. Former Home Minister Purna Bahadur Khadka and bigwigs in the police could be involved.

Murder of 8 YCL cadres in Dang – Again, the media has decided to ignore any follow up on the incident. If anyone has more information on any updates, please post. As with the previous case, Khum Bahadur Khadka and the APF are alleged to be involved.

Rautahat bomb explosion on the eve of elections – Surprisingly ignored by the media, this is one incident where it appears that a lot of evidence suggesting direct involvement of Aftab Aalam, central committee member of the NC, and SPs of both the APF and Nepal Police, as well as the CDO.

A report prepared by a team of human rights activist lead by INSEC, solid evidence was procured showing that the bombing actually took place. As a reminder, on the eve of the elections, an explosion is rumored to have happened in Rajpur Farhadwa VDC, the village of Aftab Aalam. Aalam is the nephew of Late Sheikh Idris, an influential NC leader, with connections to Indian criminal gangs. It is rumored that upto 15 people, including Indian nationals, could have been killed. The police still deny that any explosion has occurred there. The HR team visited the rumored site and found that the roof had been recently reconstructed with new roof tiling and bamboo. The empty room was stuffed with new rice husk, and when the team wanted to remove the husk, they were attacked by the locals. The allegations are that following the powerful explosion, those close of Aalam were taken to India for treatment and some individuals that he could not trust were first sedated by a doctor who is Aalam’s relative and then taken to a brick factory, where they were burnt alive. These include two Nepali victims whose families have now come out in the open. The police, in front of the human rights team, told the families that they should have accepted the 2 lakhs that was offered to them as compensation, while still insisting that the police had visited the site 5 minutes after they heard the rumors of an explosion and found no signs of the explosion. It has become extremely clear that both SPs are closely involved. The locals have restricted movement of journalists and HR activists in the village. Aalam is basically a feudal landlord who has a strong grip over his village and an extensive relationship with Indian criminal groups.

We also condemn Nepali media’s role in promoting this culture of impunity, rather than playing the role of a strong watchdog – as it claims to be. The media could have covered the Rautahat report by the HR team with prominence. They did not – it was a small blurb in Nepal Samacharpatra only. We hope that the recent changes in the leadership of FNJ will make it more responsible, though honestly, I do not have high expectations.

The fuss about Baban Singh

The first, and so far the only independent candidate to win the CA elections has received much derision from the Kathmandu press. The notorious election campaign poster showing him with a noose around his neck and asking voters to "Save Him" has amused many in Kathmandu circles.

Here's what hasn't been reported. Baban Singh denies being involved in the September bombings in Kathmandu. He alleges the UML and the government of trying to frame him. Many people in Gaur believe him to be one of the main people involved in the Gaur Massacre where 28 Maoist cadres were killed. But with no evidence, he hasn't been charged of any involvement in it. But since then, the local administration have their eyes fixed on him. He has said he will surrender under UN and human rights groups supervision.

When I first heard that the most serious contender from Rautahat 1 was Baban Singh, I laughed thinking that the journalist was letting me on. But soon I realized that wasn't true. He seemed to have overwhelming support. Among his supporters were activists from MJF, TMDP, SP – Mahato, and even some traditional politicians such as an ex-mayor.

Also unreported in the media, his 'waaris' was arrested a day before the elections and released only in the morning of the elections following immense pressure from election officials. His crime – driving in the vehicle with a pass, albeit without the candidate. The candidate, of course, is underground. His "waaris" has the signatory legal rights for him. The same was going on in Rautahat 6 where our erstwhile MKN was absent.

Maybe something to do with Baban Singh confirming the stereotype of Madhesh as Nepal's own little Bihar.

Also, Mr. John, who the Nepali media insist in Baban Singh is a certain Sahani, whose brother is contesting from TMDP in constituency 4.

-Sachet Pashu

(photo taken with apologies from mysansar.com)

Forecast Gone Wrong. And Right.

I was *so* wrong about the weakening base of the Maoists due to the highhandedness of the YCL when I wrote my column in Nepalnews.com a while ago: http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2008/others/guestcolumn/jan/guest_columns_06.php

Clearly there were some apple-to-orange comparisons there, which many readers have pointed out to me since the publication of the article.

But I got the decline of NC right, especially the embarrassing loss of Sujata Koirala, Mahesh Acharya (who, by the way, is not Girija Prasad Koirala's nephew -- I also erred there; they are only neighbors), Sushil Koirala and Shekhar Koirala. Interestingly, people who got elected from NC are mostly from the Deuba faction. Kudos to the Nepali people for this selective 'cleansing'!

Fifty percent correct forecasting. For someone who considers himself an economist, that's pretty good, I think. And I have not even made a claim for the Nobel Prize yet, like some have done: http://demrepubnepal.blogspot.com/2008/04/nobel-peace-prize-2008-making-case-for.html (I really hope people get the humor here).

And, here's my new forecast: The Maoists are the new UML in town. Minus the rhetoric perhaps. The first sign of this was when Prachanda met with the ambassador from India. Here is the second sign of that (check out the part on economics): http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=143871

Ah, The Fear Again!

The Monarchists in Nepal never cease to amuse me. A few days after the King took over in February of 2005, one could see his propaganda machines mushroom everywhere, including on the Web. One such 'machine' that suddenly started to function was by the name of "Peace Journalism" (talk about ironies!). The creator of that e-zine managed to hire a Columbia graduate as her buddy and the two of them tried to brainwash pretty much everything that came there way. Everyone who supported the King suddenly became "nationalist." The rest of us became deshdrohis or terrorists.

From February 2005 to April 2006 when Gyanu dai finally succumbed to, well, his ego, history was retaught to the Nepalis. Online as well as newspaper columns poured in to describe how Prithvi Narayan Shah had created Nepal (as if putting a chapter on PNS on one course or the other in every freaking grade from 5 to 10 was not enough). We were reminded of the history of Sikkim. We were given numbers on how many people communists around the world had killed (the underlying message being that the King was better than the Maoists). And we were told how the monarchy was the unifying factor for all Nepalis. We were told how many developed countries still had monarchies and were doing just fine.

Essentially, we were told that the world would collapse without the King.

Guess what, none of that has happened even months after the country became a republic for all practical purposes. Not yet.

Even after their every prediction has failed--making weather and economic forecasters look good--the Monarchists continue to come up with the same logic repeatedly: that life will be difficult without the King and that getting rid of him will be a mess.

Maila Baje is an example: http://nepalinetbook.blogspot.com/

Dude, we know it!

Nobody has ever said Nepal's transition to peace will be easy. Nobody has ever said that getting rid of the King will unleash a torrent of development processes in the country. Nobody has ever said the new representatives in the Constituent Assembly will not fight. And nobody has said that the YCL people will become monks overnight. Don't you think that the effort to play with people's fear at this point only makes *you* look how desperate you are to save the King (not that you aren't)? Or are you yet to shed off the high-horse mentality that your judgment is superior to that of the 14 million Nepalese who just voted?

And, as if the fear from the Maoists that have made a landslide victory is not enough, you are cautioning us against the likes of Khum Bahadur Khadka? Who are you going to scare us with next? The ghost of Birendra?

Fear of What?

The fear of the Maoists is largely unfounded.

I am myself not happy with the results, but I am also positive that nothing extreme will happen even if the Maoists get the majority.

Also note that the results so far are only for the FPTP system. There are votes to be counted for the proportional system as well. Putting the two together, it is unlikely that the Maoists will be able to get things completely their way without support from other parties (except for the republic issue, which requires only a simple majority). Except in a few places, Nepali Congress (NC) and UML have votes close to that of the Maoists. As I said earlier, if this trend is similar in the proportional ballot as well, NC and UML will still land up with a decent number of seats (in fact, the gap between the Maoists and NC-UML may be less in the proportional side than in FPTP seats).

At this point, the Maoists are craving for international legitimacy. Domestic legitimacy alone is not going to be sufficient to move things around, especially on larger issues of foreign policy and People's Liberation Army (PLA) integration. To get that legitimacy, the Maoists will have to win the hearts of other party representatives, mainly the NC. The Maoists will have to work with them. Despite the fact that many of Maoist representatives may be uneducated, I don’t think the Maoist leadership is dumb enough to try to ‘bowl alone’.

Some fears, such as the fact that the Maoists may change the curriculum—their idea of the curriculum was published by the media last year(?)—may be reasonable, especially if the Maoists get the education ministry after the current coalition government changes. But I think there will be enough representation from other parties in the Constituent Assembly—which will also act as the parliament during the interim period—to raise such issues.

All in all, I am quite optimistic about the possible ‘consequences’ of the Maoists winning the majority of seats in the parliament. And all the lousy politicians from UML and NC, including every crony of GPK, are either gone or will likely go. I just hope none of these people get nominated by the prime minister under the quota allotted to him.

The Army Fetish

Army Should be Deployed if Intimidation Continues: Deuba (source: http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2008/apr/apr01/news12.php)

What's up with this guy's fetish with the army? I mean, he himself tried deploying the army to contain the Maoist insurgency! (And, for those who forgot, he failed. Miserably.)

Two bitter truths that every Nepali politicians should now know:

1. The army can never contain an insurgency. Any insurgency. At most, it can weaken the insurgency and increase the probability that the insurgents will come to the negotiation table. Deploying army to contain the Maoist excesses when the Maoists are in government is pointless and plain stupid. Think of a better way to push the country into a civil war if you are so worried that your sorry ass will never be the prime minister of Nepal again!

2. The Maoist can never win over the hearts of the Nepali people -- or take over the regime -- by force. Again, tried and failed. So, when Prachanda warns that the Maoists might go back to the jungle if the Maoists lose the elections, the answer should be, "Please feel free, you moron. The way you think is close to that of animals than humans anyway."

Politics,what else?

Last week in politics - Yubraj Special

Election in 23 days

Since the last daily report, most parties have made their manifestos public. Here are some of the highlights from the 3 major parties.

Federalism - NC and CPN- UML have not made clear the number and criteria for drawing up federal zones. CPN-Maoist has proposed federal zones based on ethnic demography with 11 federal states. Proposals from other parties includes the entire Terai as a Madhes state by Terai Madhesh Loktantric Party.

Executive power - NC and UML propose a prime-ministerial system with a ceremonial president. The difference is that NC wants the prime minister to be chosen by the parliament (the Indian model) whereas UML wants direct elections for the post. CPN-M proposes a "french-style" presidency with Prachanda as the president.

Regarding Maoist combatants - Neither NC nor CPN-UML spell out their policies regarding PLA sodiers. NC does not mention the issue, whereas UML's manifesto says it will "integrated and managed in agreement." CPN-M has maintained that the two armed forces in Nepal will be integrated after democratization of the Nepal army and professionlization of the PLA soldiers.

Post-election government - This is likely to be the most contentious issue after the elections are held. The NC says that the future government should be made in agreement among the different parties. CPN-UML has proposed that the party which gets the highest number of seats should lead the government (for obvious reason that it thinks it will be on top) and CPN-M has proposed an executive president elected by the CA for the interim period, until the new constitution is made.

Regarding the Maoist manifesto, it basically portrays the CA election, the consensus on the need for federalism, and the end of Monarchy on as the victory for the "people's war." However, it does not define its "21st century's new people's democracy" extensively and leaves room for doubting the party's commitment to multiparty democracy.

As the election campaigns gain momentum, there's wide coverage in the media about the breach of code of conduct. Initial grivances were agaist wall paintings carried out previously (before the code came into effect) by the Maoists. However, recent activities of YCL have also come under spotlight with almost daily incidences of YCL cadres have either beat up or disrupted rallies of UML in Chitwan, NC in Okhaldhunga, Rastriya Janashakti Party in Dhankuta, RPP in Sindhupalchowk, among others. NC and UML have declared that they will send their youth organizations to hilly districts where the YCL has been most active.

With the rise in number of complaints of violation of the code of conduct with impunity, the election commission has formed a five member commission in each district to implement the code.

Fourteen international organizations have confirmed that they will observe the elections on April 10.

In another news, GP Koirala has said that he'll step down after the CA election are held. Sher Bahadur Deuba has added that he's the heir apparent. KP Oli, a senior leader of the UML, insists that it will be Madhav Kumar Nepal. Similarly, KP Bhattarai, who is slightly older than GP Koirala, is the founder of NC, and renounced his membership the party after it went republican reportedly had this to say -

"I am ready to join the active politics to save the monarchy...I will live until I reach hundred years…I will become the prime minister again…may be tomorrow".

Meanwhile, in rest of the world....

PSOE, the socialist party in Spain, has won the election for the second time.

The conservatives have "won" the elections in Iran. Reformists question vote counting procedures.

The New parliament convenes in Pakistan, spelling more trouble for Musharraf.

Monks protest against Beijing policies in Lhasa. The Tibetan government in exile claims that up to 80 have died in subsequent crackdown. OHCHR in Nepal has drawn the government's attention to the gratuitous use of force by security personnel in during demonstations by Tibetans outside the UN offices in Nepal.

Best wishes.

Politics

Tuesday, 3/4/08

 

Political Update

 

Election Countdown – 36 days

 

Numerous small political parties have spoken against the February 28 signing of agreement between the government and the United Madhesi Democratic Front (UMDF). They include three parties from the Seven Party Alliance – People's Front Nepal, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party and the left front who claim that the government accepted the concept of "one Madhesh, one Pradesh" due to pressures from India. Armed groups in the Terai have also rejected the agreement. Janatantric Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) – Jwala Singh has since detonated a pressure cooker bomb at the residence of a Nepali congress candidate.  JTMM-Rajan Mukti (a faction of Jwala Singh) publicized a programme to oppose the CA election.

 

Following the agreement, two groups –Rastriya  Prajatantra Party – Nepal (now headed by Kamal Thapa, who used to be the home minister during King Gyanendra's rule) and Nepal Sadvabana Party – Anandevi have decided to participate in the polls.

 

Another accord was signed between the government and the Federal Republic National Front (FRNF) comprised of various ethnic groups on Saturday, March 1, after FRNF withdrew demands for a fully proportional electoral system for the CA polls. The accord promises to take into consideration Limbuwan, Khambuwan, Tamangsling, Tharuhat as well as indigenous nationalities, Dalits, marginalized groups as well as history, geography, culture, and economic prospects while forming federal zones.  However, one member of the alliance, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum-Bishwas has called the accord a betrayal and vowed to keep up protests until the constitution is revised to include a fully proportional election system.

 

Sixteen more parties including members of UMDD ( Tarai-Madhes Democratic Party, Madhesi People's Rights Forum and Sadvavana Party) have submitted closed list for the 335 seats to be proportionally represented. In total, 55 parties have submitted their lists. The deadline for filing under first past the post system is March 6.

 

Meanwhile, in rest of the world…

Russians decide to stay on the course charted by Mr. Putin and elect Dmitry Medvedev as the new president. Mr. Putin will now become the prime minister. Opposition groups called the elections a 'farce' due to widespread irregularities.  

 

 

Daily Politics Test

February 29, 2008

Daily Political Update

Election Countdown – 40 days

Victory rallies were held in most Terai districts last evening. More events were organized today to celebrate the agreement in the Terai districts, including Banke.

The most senior leader of Madhesh movement organized by UMDF, Mahanth Thakur, said that the agreement was the first step.

The UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) also said that under today's eight-point deal, quotas for party lists will be relaxed, which will allow for an increase in Madhesi candidates in many lists for seats to be elected through proportional representation.

EC has set new dates to register the candidates, March 2 for submitting closed list of proportional representatives and March 4 for direct elections. So far 39 parties have filed candidacies under PR and 33 under direct elections. This number will rise Madhesi parties' participation.

Talks with Federal Republican National Front (FRNF) continue. Indefinite bandhs remain in eastern hilly districts. There are reports that the talks will be concluded today.

Also, Tharu groups protested in Lahan today against the agreement.

Meanwhile, in rest of the world…

Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Sinawatra, along with a couple of footballers from the Manchester city football club (which he owns), has returned to Bangkok after 17 months in exile. The man who ran the Thai Rak Thai party was ousted by the military in 2006 with support from the Thai king.

Today is February 29 - a leap year, which raises some  interesting questions.

The greatest threat

April '06

Sambeshi Loktantra !
http://www.blog.com.np/united-we-blog/2006/04/22/dont-forget-their-blood/

-----
28 July '06.
First he's questioned:
Next week, the panel will question two senior army officers, including a retired major general, in connection with the alleged excesses.
Lt General Rukmangad Katuwal is the army's second senior officer, and retired general Dipak Bikram Rana was in charge of Kathmandu valley at the time of the protests.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/5223082.stm

16 August '06.
Then he's promoted by the state.
"Rights activists in Nepal have demanded that the government should annul the appointment of the acting army chief. "
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4797127.stm

11 December '07.
Now he's taking over the continent.
"NEW DELHI: India will confer the rank of honorary general of the Indian army on the visiting Nepalese army Chief General Rookmangual Katawal at a investiture in Rashtrapathi Bhavan on Wednesday in the midst of uncertainty over the future constitutional set up in the Himalayan nation."

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/India_to_confer_honorary_Gen_rank_on_Nepalese_army_chief/articleshow/2612047.cms

It's old news:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2130873,00.html